A View Into New Voters: Who Are They And How Do We Reach Them?

Post by Jennifer Tomkins

Climate change, gun laws, impeachment, reproductive rights, election reform, tax cuts—take your pick. More than ever before, the country is paying attention to politics and voters are motivated to show up to the polls. It’s anticipated that between 65% and 70% of eligible voters will actually cast votes in 2020. Not only would this be the largest percentage turnout in a century, this also means many people who are typically non-voters will turn out to vote next year. So now, the race is on to woo new voters.

On the red side, the Trump campaign is already in hot pursuit of new voters. They use rallies to harvest data to target both existing voters and register new ones, and they are even “making efforts to flip such blue states as Nevada, New Hampshire, New Mexico and Minnesota.”

On the blue side, we’ve been a bit slower getting off the starting line, but the research is there on how to engage “low propensity” voters—we just need to start using it across all campaigns and communities.


From A Grassroots Perspective

Working America is one grassroots organization gaining massively astute and helpful insights into these neglected voters. Polling a group of over 1,000 working class voters for the past four years, Working America assessed what they care about and what this means for 2020. 

Their findings are significant: “almost one-third of these people are unsure about who they will vote for in 2020, including some voters who went for Donald Trump in 2016 but are now wavering.” What matters to swing and low propensity voters in Ohio, for instance,  is “who has their backs as they struggle to cope with precarious lives.”

What swayed their voting choices was a focus on bread-and-butter issues, i.e. “jobs and the income gap, followed by health care and Social Security.”  Not even low unemployment shakes their concerns about jobs. Both strong Democrats and strong Trump supporters ranked jobs and health care as top priorities (although Democrats cited climate change as their third most important issue while Trump supporters were concerned about immigration).

Other compelling poll results point to the fact that uncommitted voters are not very interested in candidates and they don’t follow politics. However, as the election approaches, they are likely to tune in to bold policies that mesh with their own personal priorities. In addition to the issues of jobs, the income gap and health care, a majority of these voters support a wealth tax and nearly half support a Green New Deal and Medicare for All.

Altogether, Working America had ~750,000 conversations in working-class neighborhoods across several swing midwestern states, all of which laddered up to the same core principle: “People don’t just want solutions for themselves. They want parity.”


From A Candidate’s Perspective

Turning to a candidate perspective, Dan McCready, who recently came within 2 points of victory in the deeply red 9th district of  North Carolina, offered four take-aways from his own campaign he feels can be widely applied by other candidates. 

  1. Focus on values: “Democrats can sometimes get stuck in policy jargon and cede the language of values, where voters really make decisions, to Republicans. In our campaign, we flipped this around.” 

  2. Present real policy, not abstract DC jargon: “When it came to policy, I met voters where they were.” McCready spent a lot of time engaging with voters and listening to their day-to-day concerns, rather than trying to spin his policy beliefs according to his audience.

  3. Build trust to earn loyalty: “We showed that running in a district like mine doesn’t mean a candidate has to sacrifice the Democratic base to win the middle. In fact, the trust we built early on, which we strengthened over countless coffee chats and town halls, set our base on fire. We didn’t always agree on policy specifics, but we trusted one another, and we became like family.”

  4. Include everyone: “We didn’t give up on rural America, and Democrats elsewhere shouldn’t either. In the rural areas of our district, politicians had left everyone behind—white, African-American and Native American voters alike.”

While McCreedy couldn’t be called a progressive, his approach closely reflects that of the groups like Working America and those that Airlift funds in that he never wrote off low propensity voters, including in rural areas. He internalized and reflected back their concerns in his campaign language, explaining that “If Democrats lead with our values, meet voters where they are and show up everywhere, we can do amazing things.” 

We agree. Airlift has always believed that turning out low-propensity voters is key to winning in 2020 and that the way to do it is by the kind of constant engagement that both McCreedy and  Working America employed. 


The New Digital Political Industrial Complex: How Democrats Fight Back

Post by Jennifer Tomkins

Winning elections in the US has always involved money. Back in 1757, George Washington, who lost an election two years earlier, bought approximately $195 worth of punch and hard cider for friends, contributing greatly to his subsequent win. Nowadays, it takes much more than $195 to win an election. The focus of campaign spending shifted from the 18th century alcoholic persuasion version to the digital age version in which campaigns employ a range of modern technologies and a vast network of consultants, all of which have become known as “the political industrial complex.” 

This era of Trump—an ascendency of social media in politics and exponential growth of political consultancy—ushered in an unprecedented level of dollars in politics, a level progressives struggle to reach.

Fortunately, some new digital players, like Acronym, are widening the playing field, providing opportunities for progressives to compete digitally without compromising its values by prioritizing profit-seeking consultants or corporate interests. But, it’s been a long road to get here.

How we got here

Just as money has proven indispensable to political victory, so—very often—have lying and skullduggery. Theatergoers know how an infidelity scandal was used against Alexander Hamilton by his political opponents. Closer to our own day, Lyndon Johnson supposedly won one Texas election by suggesting his opponent had unsavory relations with a pig. More recently still, lies and innuendo destroyed the presidential hopes of both Michael Dukakis and John Kerry. 

Back in 2007, the Obama campaign seized the nomination with a combination of a charismatic candidate and tech-savvy campaign strategies that relied heavily on both a robust ground game and the political industrial complex. No matter the intention through which it’s engaged, that complex is deeply intertwined with the corporate world. The Obama campaign, for instance, employed such firms as Bully Pulpit Interactive whose other clients included Google and Exelon. It also hired GMMB, whose other clients included AT&T and Visa, to produce campaign ads. Even progressive champion and current candidate Bernie Sanders rolls with the same crowd.

After Obama was elected thanks to (in part) his superior use of technology, big political donors like the Koch took note and immediately set countertactics into motion. As Nick Fouriezos accounted recently in Ozy, Obama’s opposition began pouring massive funding into building new campaign ventures such as the analytics group Themis and grassroots canvassing tech i360. Simultaneously, Steve Bannon and GOP mega-donor Robert Mercer backed Cambridge Analytica, the British political consulting firm now infamous for its misuse of facebook data for political purposes.

The moral complexity of The Complex

Politicians’ dependency on the political industrial complex create conflicts of interest for both elected officials and for the consultants themselves: how much do they want to help candidates win versus simply making money. Critics of the DNC pointed out that Democrats continually use the same “insider” political consultants, whether they win elections or not, meaning democratic candidates have been stuck in the same strategic loop without innovation until just recently.

The new “small d”: digital

In this election cycle, Democrats find themselves playing catch-up in both their use of and spending on digital ads and social media, according to a recent CNN article: “The Trump campaign has already spent almost $20 million on Facebook ads since Facebook began publicly disclosing political ad spend in May 2018. These ad-buys eclipse that of all Democratic presidential primary candidates [combined].” Adding more hurdles for Democrats, Facebook recently announced that although it will strengthen its fact-checking of information overall, political ads will not be included in this practice. Now it’s open season for the liar-in-chief as he and his allies accelerate their efforts to lie their way out of impeachment.

So, Democrats are looking to up their game. But, rather than turning to mega-donors, they’re choosing the venture capital model. One such VC, Chicago-based Higher Ground Labs founded by former Obama campaigners, has invested $15 million in 36 startups working to bolster progressive politics. More than 3,000 campaigns have used its tools since the accelerator’s launch in 2017. Another such company, New Media Ventures, based in San Francisco, has invested more than $50 million since its inception in 2010, including $1.5 million in funding for 17 new startups announced in July.

These are the newcomers to the political industrial complex—welcome! Yet, the omnipresent fine line between the influence of money and the mission of winning elections remains. VCs are still profit-driven entities and the removal of mega-donors doesn’t guarantee this funding comes without strings. This is a serious question for progressive candidates and issues-based groups like those supported by Airlift. Both need the latest tools in order to compete, but who can be trusted?

Enter Tara McGowan: the new face of digital democracy come to save us. Founder of the consultancy organization Acronym, she’s bucking the traditional model, and luckily, more concerned with winning than getting rich.

By the end of 2018, Acronym “raised $18 million, registered 60,000 voters, run 105 targeted ad campaigns in 15 states, helped elect 63 progressive candidates and won 61 percent of the races it invested in.” It did this by setting up a structure that consists of a not-for-profit company, Acronym itself, beneath which are nested a group of for-profits: a campaign consulting firm (Lockwood Strategy), a political tech company with a peer-to-peer texting product (Shadow) and a media company investing in local left-leaning outlets (FWIW Media).  Acronym raises money for the for-profits and then channels the profits back into Acronym’s mission. This structure contrasts with typical consultancies that have one area of expertise: “Consultants push for more spending in their individual silos, as opposed to McGowan’s strategy to fold everything under one umbrella—making winning her chief incentive.”

McGowan has already attracted a good deal of media attention of her own as well as the attention of two of Airlift’s allies, Way to Win and Women Donors’ Network, who are looking for ways to help the groups and candidates they support get their hands on the campaign tools needed for victory. Better yet, McGowan’s take on how to operate in the world of consultancy offers a way us progressives and our allies can both compete effectively and maintain our values while not feeling beholden to outside interests or donors. In McGowan’s own words, “Too often, in any industry, a drive for profit can lead to greed. And I think that can blur the lines of the real objective here. This could be an election that changes entirely how campaigns are run. It could be a catalyst.” 

In other words, we could win, and win in a way that doesn’t compromise our goals of social and political change.





Way To Win’s All-Women Team Lay Out The Road To Victory In 2020 And Beyond

Post by Jennifer Tomkins

w2w+team.jpg

What’s RIGHT with this picture? Way to Win’s leadership team is all women and all about taking back our democracy.

Our sister-organization and key Airlift adviser, Way to Win, recently held its annual conference in Phoenix, AZ, where it laid out its blueprint for victory in 2020.  It entails investing $50 million to boost Sun Belt turnout in order to not only win the presidency the house and the senate, but to also change the face of  “politics as usual” for the foreseeable future.

Way to Win is—quite literally—our “sister-organization” led by the four powerful and dynamic women pictured above. Like Airlift, Way to Win was founded in 2017 in response to Trump’s election.  In 2018, it invested $22 million largely in the south and the west, contributing to many of the same ballot-initiative victories and down-ballot wins to which Airlift also contributed.

Tory Gavito, President of Way to Win, told conference-goers it will be “a race to drive up the most new voters possible: “Our job is driving forward the new electorate in the South and Southwest.” The Democratic party has neglected the political infrastructure of these states, focusing instead on the rust belt. Way to Win is working hard to correct this oversight. The Democratic party has also neglected important parts of its potential base—young and minority citizens who don’t typically vote. Their modus operandi has been the polar opposite to that of Way to Win (and Airlift). 

Take Florida. Gavito believes the reason Republicans have consistently won in recent years is because Democrats have historically swooped in with massive TV advertising during marquee races, but failed completely to leave behind any permanent infrastructure: “They have millions of young people and people of color sitting on the sidelines because it’s an every four-to-two-year proposition. That’s not community building; that doesn’t create your base for the long-term.”

In Virginia, Way to Win began an initiative in July to fill funding gaps and partnered up with equally as committed funding forces. Their partners include WDN Action, Groundswell Action Fund, Civic Participation Action Fund, Movement Voter Project, Climate Equity Action Fund, Accountable Justice Action Fun and others. Collectively, they’ve worked to shrink a $4.2 million funding gap in Virginia to $165,000.

An equally important reason these groups don’t vote, and one that Way to Win and the candidates it supports also seek to address, is that Democratic candidates and their policies don’t excite people. They are viewed as irrelevant to the problems and issues that affect the lives of many potential-voters.  

This same analysis can be applied to the other key states where Way to Win is focused and investing heavily: Arizona, Georgia, North Carolina and Texas. They currently support candidates up and down the ballot who are offering policies that are relevant to the constituents of groups on the ground that they also support such as LUCHA in Arizona (an Airlift group, too) and Fair Fight 2020 in Georgia. 

Of course, the Republicans are not sitting on their hands while this is taking place.  Trump himself is busy energizing his base in the same states where Way to Win is galvanizing voters—and they are aware of this challenge. 

The positive news for progressive donor groups like Way to Win and Airlift is that the demographics of the south are changing in our favor. While Rust Belt states are 75% white and in decline, census data shows that Arizona, Georgia, North Carolina and Texas have a higher share of minorities and have attracted younger, more educated people from other parts of the country. Way to Win believes that capitalizing on these demographic changes by supporting key locally-based, issue-focused organizations will build permanent infrastructure for the future and victories in 2020 and beyond.

Meanwhile, this does not mean that the wider ecosystem of progressive political donor organizations will go on ignoring rust-belt states. While Way to Win plans focus mainly on the south and the west, other organizations, including Airlift with its “Lift the Midwest” fund, will be focusing on all of the key battleground states that will be in play in 2020.

[PRESS] Feeding grassroots to turn non-voters into voters with Airlift

As originally published in the Marin Independent Journal:

By Lorrie Goldin

Presidential races understandably generate lots of attention. But there’s more at stake than the White House next year. Democracy itself is in peril, and what happens now on the ground will be crucial to saving it.

Threats include the Electoral College, gerrymandering, foreign and domestic interference, barriers to voting, the influence of big money, corruption, and an increasingly autocratic and erratic president. Millions of Americans feel their votes don’t matter. Even in high-turnout elections, only about 60% of eligible voters cast ballots.

The silver lining is that, since the 2016 election, thousands of groups dedicated to strengthening our democracy have proliferated. Big national organizations like Swing Left and Indivisible are well known. But there’s a homegrown, all-volunteer group right here in Marin: Airlift, one of the many programs of Mill Valley Community Action Network. MVCAN’s mission statement declares, “We’re Here to Keep Democracy Alive.” Airlift does just that.

The brainchild of Danny Altman, a branding strategist and activist from Mill Valley, Airlift funds grassroots organizations to engage and expand the electorate in key districts nationwide. Efforts focus particularly on the young and people of color, a demographic group comprising 40 million eligible but unregistered voters. The name Airlift is inspired by Altman’s boyhood fascination with the Berlin Airlift, when western Allies responded to the 1949 Soviet blockade of West Berlin by flying in emergency supplies to people on the ground. Altman believes saving our imperiled democracy requires a similar massive effort.  The Berlin Airlift fed beleaguered Germans; Airlift feeds underfunded grassroots groups in strategic states to turn non-voters into voters.

Recognizing the power of issue-based organizing rather than top-down party politics, Altman teamed up with fellow MVCAN member Larry Litvak, former CFO of Working Assets who now teaches public policy at Stanford. Together they devised an easy, one-stop donation site for progressive, politically inclined donors who wonder, “What’s the smartest thing to do with my money?” Airlift carefully vets grassroots groups, then delivers donations directly to them. Funding enables organizers to work year-round in their local communities to engage low-propensity voters about what matters most in their lives. People who don’t normally feel invested in politics care a lot about things like paid sick leave, higher wages, better public education, affordable college and housing, traffic and improved mass transit, healthcare, the environment, and racial, social, and economic justice. When they feel their voices matter, they vote.

The 2018 midterms are a testament to the importance of grassroots engagement. Turnout skyrocketed, with participation by young voters and people of color doubling from 2014. Airlift was a vital part of the collaborative organizing that resulted in widespread progressive gains. In addition to flipping local, state and national legislative seats, groups funded by Airlift helped bring Medicaid expansion to 400,000 Virginians; increase early youth voting in Texas by 500%; restore voting rights for about one million former felons in Florida; and pass automatic voter registration in Nevada and Michigan.

The 2020 elections must build upon these victories. Airlift is already investing in 17 organizations with proven track records in battleground areas throughout the Midwest, Southwest, and South. Wisconsin’s Black Leadership Organizing CommunitiesLiving United for Change in Arizona and New Georgia Project are just some of the groups turning non-voters into voters thanks to Airlift’s support.

Many Marin County residents care deeply about progressive values and the future of democracy. Many are also in the fortunate position of being able to donate time and money to this crucial undertaking. They’ll make phone calls, knock on doors, write postcards, and give generously to candidates. Feeding the grassroots now to engage and expand the electorate is equally important.

Strengthening our democracy is a heavy lift, but Airlift, born right here in Marin, makes it easier. If you’d like to help, check out www.airlift.fund.

Research Supports the Airlift Path to Progress

Post by Jennifer Tomkins
Edited by Rachel Klein


Many cable news network pundits and journalists still like to posit that, in order to beat Trump and the Republicans, Democrats need to woo swing voters and “move to the center.” Well, times have changed and the center isn’t the end of the rainbow, as it frequently used to be. At Airlift, our fundraising strategy isn’t reliant on unreliable polls or traditional, stagnant ways of thinking about the “base.” The polls that fuel our mission show a modern, proven method for activating new progressive voters—and for winning elections.

After 2016, some researchers and political consultants looked deeper into the party’s challenges, finding that progressive political power results from building community support and involvement. Then, in 2018, as a nation we witnessed the result of engaging people who gave up on voting—or never developed the habit—because they believed the system and its politicians didn’t work for them.

Now, we’ve seen the road to reflective government runs through the heart of populations who were repeatedly overlooked—young voters, voters of color and working people whose interests have been ignored. A recent Pew Research Center survey, as reported by Phillip Bump in the Washington Post, connects the dots showing how these communities of non- and inactive voters are most critical for Democrats in 2020 and beyond. 

The Problem and the Promise of Non-Voters

We’ve all heard it anecdotally before, but we now have the data to know this claim is fact: those who didn’t vote in 2016 were as responsible for the outcome of the election as those who did. 

Who voted and who didn’t

  • ~30% of Americans who were eligible to vote opted not to do so. (This is a higher percentage of the potential electorate than those who did participate and voted for either Donald Trump or Hillary Clinton.) 

  • ~Half of the non-voters were non-white and two-thirds were under age 50 (precisely the people who Airlift-funded grassroots groups target and engage).

Demographic profiles chart

Why this matters for Democrats

  • Demographic groups that preferred Trump were three times as likely to be a part of the voter pool than to be nonvoters. Whereas, among groups that preferred Clinton, individuals were about 50% more likely to be a bigger part of the non-voting community.

  • Those who would have voted Democratic were less likely to have actually voted than those who would have voted Republican.

  • People under 30 preferred Clinton by 30 points but a higher percentage of them were non-voters than voters. (Only 1 in 8 voters was in that age group.)

  • Black and Hispanic voters voted much more heavily Democratic than white voters, but they turned out less.

voters v nonvoters chart

It’s cold comfort that Clinton won the popular vote. By neglecting the Rust Belt and ignoring minorities, the Democrats lost and some would argue they deserved it. As Bump points out, “an increased turnout of under-30 voters in, say, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and Michigan could easily have changed the results of the history.” 

The Not-So-Secret Path to Victory: Turnout

To beat Republicans, Democrats and other progressives would be far better advised to galvanize non-voters and those who agree philosophically with them than to try to woo, say, disenchanted Republicans.  

Sean McElwee, co-founder of the think tank Data for Progress and researcher for Demos, wrote earlier this year about the increasingly strong consensus amongst political science researchers that the ability of campaigns to persuade is actually quite limited, whereas campaigns can effectively mobilize voters.

McElwee found that the 2016 American National Election Studies (ANES) dataset showed that only 34% of individuals who identify as Democrats voted in all three elections between 2012 and 2016, as well as 17% of Independents and 42% of Republicans. But, only 10% of Democrats voted for Trump and only 8% of Republicans voted for Clinton. This suggests that there is far more variation in turnout than in vote choice.

The ANES survey also validated turnout for the 2012, 2014, and 2016 elections and showed that those who voted in all these elections tended to be more conservative than those who failed to vote:

  • 63% of individuals who voted in none of the three elections support taking action on economic inequality, compared to 50% among individuals who voted in all three. 

  • Among people of color earning less than $30,000 a year, 47% voted for Clinton, 6% voted for Trump, 2% voted for other, and 45% did not vote.

  • Among those non-voters of color, 82% would have preferred Clinton if they had voted and 16% Trump.

This all implies that if these non-voters could be turned into voters, they would vote for candidates who support progressive issues such as taking action on inequality. 

Hey, Non-voters, Here We Come

McElwee concludes that “Both the left wing of the Democratic Party and the broader party institutions should invest more time and energy in winning over non-voters of color. This must include both…eliminating white supremacist barriers to voting but also diversifying the consultancies, creating candidate pipelines and committing to a vision of multi-racial progressivism.”

Like we at Airlift shout from rooftops (and anywhere else we go): We can’t keep hunting down those mythical “swing voters”; only through getting non-voters to vote will we celebrate progressive victories in 2019, 2020 and beyond.




Where Should We Fight In 2020

Post by Jennifer Tompkins

The narrow victory in this week’s North Carolina’s special election by Dan Bishop, Republican, made me think back to a recent article by Dan Balz, chief correspondent covering national politics, congress and the presidency for the Washington Post. His piece was entitled  “The 2020 electoral map could be the smallest in years. Here’s why.” 

Balz’s closely argued analysis pointed to how few states will be in play in 2020 for the presidency as political positions harden. At the time, his piece provoked quite a bit of dissent and quibbling from progressive funders and pundits who challenged Balz’s picks of the states that will ultimately hold the key to the presidency. 

I think that what principally provoked disagreement with the article was Balz’s opening statement that the 2020 election could boil down to four states: Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin and Florida. 

Matt Singer (one of Airlift’s key advisers) was quick to debunk the idea that it is possible to predict which of a diminishing number of states in play would turn out to be the key ones for winning – or losing – the presidency in 2020. He cautioned that only about 50% of predictions for tipping point states turn out to be correct. And then it’s possible they may tip in an unforeseen way. A prime example he gives is Michigan in 2016:  it was supposed to be a sure thing for Hillary and by ignoring it, she lost it. The same thing, arguably, happened with Wisconsin. 

And now he has North Carolina to add to his “unpredictable” roster, since Bishop’s two percent margin of victory in the 9th District special election was so small. Remember,  this is a district that had voted for Trump by 12 points and that it had not voted Democratic since the 1960s. As a counter trend to the often cited hard divisions between left and right, this race also showed that demographics and opinions are in flux.  The formerly solidly Republican suburbs voted for McCready, Bishop’s Democratic opponent. 

Pod Save America’s hosts John Favreau, John Lovett and Tommy Vietor, all veteran Obama staffers, disagreed with Balz’s “top four” picks as well. Why not include North Carolina? (Why not indeed after this week?)  Or Arizona? Listen to their podcast about 24 minutes in to catch their analysis. 

Tory Gavito, the dynamic Texas-born president of Way to Win, the donor group that funds movement groups in key states, was concerned that progressive donors might be encouraged to narrow their focus, not just in terms of states but also in terms of the importance of down state races.  Way to Win’s strategy – one that Airlift shares – looks beyond the goal of winning the presidency and recognizes the importance of building the base in order to win statehouses and the senate.  It also entails being mindful of the importance of supporting new young candidates who are representative of their communities and of the ultimate purpose of the democratic enterprise, a government of and by the people.

To be fair, Balz also draws attention to eight more states that will be important in 2020: four that the Democratic candidate – whomever she turns out to be (and, no, I simply won’t think about the possibility of it being another white man!) – might win: North Carolina is among them but also, Arizona, Georgia and Arizona; and four that Democrats must defend: New Hampshire, Minnesota, Nevada and New Mexico. There is widespread agreement that these states hold the key to the presidency, if not about their relative importance.

The one state that Balz ignores because it is such a long-shot from the presidential point of view, but that both Way to Win and Airlift are funding, is Texas.  Balz argues that “Democrats will play there only if everything else is moving in their direction.”

That may be true of the parties, but that’s because they spend 75% of their funds -- tens of millions of dollars—on media buys. The reverse is true of progressive funders such as Airlift that focus on the ground game, funding community organizations like MOVE Texas that fights for progressive issues and also defends against voter suppression.      

Nobody predicted that Texas could come as close as it did to electing a Democrat to statewide office in 2018.  By focussing more broadly and investing smartly and asymmetrically, Airlift and its fellow progressive funders are working both to support groups in the key states Balz enumerates as well as working to ensure that Texas joins that group of states sooner rather than later.

5 Easy Ways to Help Right Now (Without Donating)

We know it’s exhausting out there—everyone and every organization needs (and deserves) your donations, but we all only have so much to give.

Here’s 5 things you can do in 10 minutes to actually move the needle. By simply spreading the word about Airlift and our groups, you’re advancing progressive agendas across the U.S.

The best part? None of it requires dollars, petitions, or senator calling. Just a tiny bit of your time to make a huge impact.

  1. Post about Airlift on your Facebook page.

  2. Like us on Facebook.

  3. Follow us on Twitter.

  4. Send an email about Airlift to 10 friends who care about politics, democracy, voter rights or anything in between!

  5. Text a message to your kids, friends, community, or all of the above:
     

    “I found a way to help win 2020, and you can do it from your couch. Check out this organization that sends your money directly to the people on the ground in the most crucial states. It’s not candidate-specific, it’s grassroots!

    airlift.fund

    facebook/airlift.fund

    @airlift_fund


If you get questions from your friends, point them our way or use our FAQ to guide the conversation.

Thanks for the help!

—The Airlift Team